Refugee

 Educational Inequality for Refugees and Orphans in Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and Sudan: A Sociological Imagination Perspective 

Introduction

Education is a fundamental human right and a cornerstone of any developed society. Yet, for millions of displaced children around the world—especially refugees and orphans in Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and Sudan—this right is consistently denied. These children face complex, intersecting barriers that prevent them from accessing quality education. Sociologist C. Wright Mills’ concept of the sociological imagination provides a critical framework for understanding how personal hardships—such as a child not attending school—are deeply connected to larger social forces like war, poverty, systemic racism, and political neglect.

Thesis: Through the lens of the sociological imagination, we can better understand the educational inequalities faced by refugees and orphans in the Middle East and North Africa by examining how structural factors such as war, displacement, race, ascription, poverty, and social class limit their opportunities.

War, Displacement, and School Destruction

In conflict zones like Syria, Palestine, Lebanon, and Sudan, educational infrastructure is one of the first casualties of war. In Syria, more than 7,000 schools have been damaged, destroyed, or repurposed as shelters since 2011 (UNESCO, 2022). In Gaza, Israeli airstrikes frequently destroy school buildings, while blockades prevent the reconstruction of educational infrastructure (UNRWA, 2023). In Sudan, both the war in Darfur and the recent civil conflict have displaced millions of people, including children whose schools have been attacked or shut down.

Lebanon, though not directly a war zone, hosts over 1.5 million Syrian and Palestinian refugees. The country's fragile public education system is overwhelmed, leaving many refugee children out of school or placed in overcrowded second-shift classrooms (Human Rights Watch, 2020). The sociological imagination helps us connect these local tragedies to larger global dynamics such as colonialism, imperialism, and international indifference.

Orphans and the Invisibility of Statelessness

Orphans in refugee populations are among the most vulnerable. In Sudan and Syria, many children have lost both parents due to war, displacement, or famine. These children often live in institutional orphanages or informal caregiving settings, which rarely prioritize education. Without legal guardianship, documentation, or consistent adult advocacy, orphaned children are frequently excluded from school enrollment or fail to continue beyond basic education.

In Palestine, children orphaned by Israeli attacks often face compounded trauma, poverty, and political instability. Without psychosocial support or stable housing, school becomes nearly impossible to attend regularly (Save the Children, 2021). The status of “orphan refugee” is doubly ascribed—defined by both parental loss and statelessness—resulting in lifelong barriers to social mobility.

The Role of Ascription and Legal Exclusion

Ascription—status assigned at birth—shapes the entire trajectory of a refugee child’s life. In Lebanon, Palestinian refugees and their children are not granted citizenship and thus are excluded from many public services, including higher education and employment. Syrian refugees in Lebanon face similar restrictions, including curfews, mobility limits, and strict documentation requirements (Chatty, 2018).

Orphaned refugee children face even harsher realities. Without birth certificates or legal guardians, many are considered stateless and cannot register for school. These ascribed statuses, beyond their control, prevent them from achieving even the most basic educational milestones.

Tracking, Segregation, and Discrimination

Tracking—a form of educational segregation—is visible in refugee-hosting countries where children are often placed in separate schools run by UN agencies or NGOs. In Lebanon, Palestinian and Syrian refugees attend UNRWA and non-governmental schools, which are underfunded and lack accreditation. This means that even if a student graduates, their diploma may not be recognized by local universities or employers (UNRWA, 2023).

In Sudan, internally displaced children often attend temporary or makeshift schools that do not follow a standardized curriculum. These children are essentially placed in a “low track” by default, limiting their future educational and career options. Grob (2003) explains how such tracking systems reinforce social hierarchies by assigning lower expectations and resources to marginalized students, creating a cycle of exclusion and failure.

Gender Inequality and Educational Access

Gender inequality is another powerful structural barrier. In many refugee camps across Lebanon, Syria, and Sudan, girls are far more likely to drop out due to early marriage, domestic labor expectations, and safety concerns. According to Save the Children (2021), girls in Syrian refugee camps are 2.5 times more likely than boys to never return to school after displacement.

In orphanages or informal care situations, girls are even more at risk. Without parents or legal advocates, they are often subject to gender-based violence and exploitation. The sociological imagination reveals how these outcomes are not individual failures, but consequences of intersecting systems of sexism, patriarchy, poverty, and political instability.

Barriers to Higher Education

Even when refugee students succeed in basic education, higher education remains out of reach. High tuition fees, lack of legal documentation, discriminatory entrance policies, and political restrictions prevent many from attending college. A study by the UNHCR (2022) found that only 6% of refugee youth worldwide are enrolled in higher education, compared to 40% globally.

In Sudan, civil conflict has closed universities and made higher education inaccessible. In Lebanon, refugee students face quota limits and bureaucratic hurdles. In Gaza, students are blocked from traveling abroad for university due to Israeli checkpoints and airspace control. These barriers strip refugee youth of the chance to achieve upward mobility through education.

Solutions and the Role of Sociological Imagination

Understanding the educational crisis for refugees and orphans requires moving beyond individual blame and instead examining the broader structures that reproduce inequality. Epstein (1993) offers several applicable reforms: inclusive, culturally responsive curriculums; training for teachers to address trauma; and the legal recognition of refugee and orphan rights.

Policy recommendations include:

- Expanding international funding for refugee education.

- Granting legal documentation and citizenship rights to stateless children.

- Accrediting refugee school systems to allow higher education access.

- Prioritizing gender-sensitive and trauma-informed education models.

- Supporting orphan education programs with psychosocial services.

Only through applying the sociological imagination can we begin to address these issues holistically—understanding that educational inequality for refugees and orphans is not accidental, but a product of war, colonialism, systemic discrimination, and political neglect.

Conclusion

The educational barriers faced by refugees and orphans in Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and Sudan cannot be solved by charity alone. They are rooted in global systems of oppression and neglect. Using C. Wright Mills' sociological imagination allows us to see that personal educational failures are actually public, political failures. To truly address educational inequality, we must confront these larger systems and fight for inclusive, equitable education for all—especially for those most marginalized by war, displacement, race, class, and ascription.

References

Banks, J. A. (2004). Multicultural education: Issues and perspectives (4th ed.). Wiley Custom Services.

Burris, C., & Garrity, D. (2008). Detracking for excellence and equity. Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development.

Chatty, D. (2018). Syria: The Making and Unmaking of a Refuge State. Oxford University Press.

Epstein, K. (1993). Insights on diversity: Toward a representative teaching force. Kappa Delta Pi Record, 29(4), 128.

Grob, M. (2003). Educational systems and perceived social inequality. European Societies, 5(2), 193–204.

Harvard College. (2012, March 26). Term bill rises 3.5 percent to $54,496. Harvard Magazine. http://harvardmagazine.com/2012/03/harvard-college-tuition-financial-aid-increase-2012

Human Rights Watch. (2020). Lebanon: Refugee children still blocked from school. https://www.hrw.org

Kozol, J. (1991). Savage inequalities: Children in America’s schools. Crown Publishing.

Leichardt, D. (2015). Why are poorer students not getting into top schools? The New York Times.

Mills, C. W. (1959). The sociological imagination. Oxford University Press.

Save the Children. (2021). Education under attack: Impact of conflict on girls in Syria and Sudan. https://www.savethechildren.org

UNESCO. (2022). Education in crisis: The impact of war on learning in the Arab region. https://www.unesco.org

UNRWA. (2023). Education in emergencies: Palestinian refugee education programs. https://www.unrwa.org

UNHCR. (2022). Education Report: Refuge

e access to higher education. https://www.unhcr.org

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